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Knut Roger Andersen, Roy Conradi Andersen, Nils August Andresen, Jonas Bals, Bjørn Johan Berger, Olav Berstad, Marit Bjerkeng, Tor Erling Bjørstad, Erlend Bollman Bjørtvedt, Aage Borchgrevink, Jørg Willy Bronebakk, Harald Braathen, Benedicte Bull, Kate Hansen Bundt, Jette F. Christensen, Kristin Clemet, Ivar Dale, Øystein Djupedal, Asbjørn Dyrendal, Brede Edvardsen, Karen-Anna Eggen, Torgrim Eggen, Dag Ekelberg, Gunnar Ekeløve-Slydal, Mette Vågnes Eriksen, Torbjørn Giæver Eriksen, Erika Fatland, Skjalg Fjellheim, Karsten Friis, John Færseth, Michael Gentile, Steinar Gil, Gunhild Hoogensen Gjørv, Jakub M. Godzimirski, Åge Grutle, Anders Grønli, Atle Grønn, Trygve Riiser Gundersen, Andreas C. Halse, Audun Halvorsen, Erik Fosnes Hansen, Trygve Ulf Helgaker, Steinar Holden, John Rune Holmen, Erling Holmøy, Eirik Holmøyvik, Heikki Holmås, Bjart J. Holtsmark, Sven G. Holtsmark, Jacob Høigilt, Magnus Håkenstad, Tom Kristiansen, Monica Mattsson Kämpe, Torunn Laugen Haaland, Einar Lie, Roy Jacobsen, Sigbjørn Johnsen, Sissel Haugdal Jore, Lasse Josephsen, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Ina Holst-Pedersen Kvam, Bård Larsen, Cathrine Lagerberg, Brynjar Lia, Audun Lindholm, Ingunn Lunde, Eirik Løkke, Arnfinn Løvoll-Nordbø, Marianne Marthinsen, Nuno Marques, Bernt Sverre Mehammer, Fredrik Mellem, Dag Mossige, Kari Aga Myklebost, Aslak Nore, Kristian Norheim, Per G. Norseng, Jan Ottesen, Martin Paulsen, Anneliese Pitz, Jon Ramberg, Pernille Rieker, Kjell Terje Ringdal, Anders Romarheim, Lars Rowe, Naomi Røkkum , Tom Røseth, Anna Sandman, Håkon Lunde Saxi, Vebjørn Selbekk, Geir Seljeseth, Roger Schjerva, Odd Gunnar Skagestad, Kjetil Skogrand, Olav Slettebø, Pål Atle Skjervengen, Jan Arild Snoen, Dag Harlem Stenersen, Jørn Sund-Henriksen, Trygve Svensson, Ulf Sverdrup, Yngvild Sørbye, Kristian Krogh-Sørensen, Tobias Sæther, Rolf Tamnes, Mats Tangestuen, Inga Marte Thorkildsen, Andreas Tjernshaugen, Øystein Tunsjø, Alexander Tymczuk, Richard Utne, Bjørn Olav Utvik, Ove Vanebo, Rolf Vestvik, Guttorm Vik, Knut Vollebæk, Morten Wetland, Tore Wig, Einar Wigen, Nataliya Yeremeyeva, Andreas Østhagen, Karsten Aase-Nilsen, Aadne Aasland.
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Norwegian support for Ukraine’s freedom struggle is also a defense for Europe and Norway. Now words must turn into political courage and resolute action. We should use our wealth to defend our freedom.
On Tuesday 30 April, Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre invites the parliamentary leaders at the Storting to discuss an increase in the Nansen programme.
The result should be that Norway takes responsibility and again takes the lead in international support for a free and independent Ukraine.
Since 2014, Ukraine has been fighting a defensive war against an authoritarian aggressor who respects neither human life nor international law.
From 24 February 2022, the war became existential. Europe cannot accept that Russia threatens to wipe out Ukraine as a nation.
As it says in the Nansen programme: Ukraine’s “defense fight against Russia’s aggression is at the same time a fight for democratic values and European security. Therefore, Ukraine’s defense struggle is also central to Norwegian interests and Norway’s security.”
Russia has committed extensive war crimes in Ukraine. Hospitals are systematically bombed. Torture, abductions and executions are carried out on a large scale. Tens of thousands of Ukrainians have been killed.
If Ukraine does not receive more weapons, the country may face a Russian breakthrough. The million city of Kharkiv risks the same apocalyptic conditions that the inhabitants of Mariupol experienced in the spring of 2022, where probably more than 20,000 lost their lives.
Support for Ukraine is still more than a moral issue. The battle is between democracy and authoritarian forces. The outcome of the war will be decisive for the security policy situation in Europe for the foreseeable future.
If Russia wins, a new pre-war era could be at the door.
Russia has now waged war against Ukraine for over ten years. The country has broken all of the basic rules of international law and agreements:
From the Declaration of Helsinki and the ban on force in the UN Charter, to a number of bilateral agreements with security policy assurances and guarantees.
Such as the Budapest Memorandum of 1994, where Ukraine gave its Soviet-era nuclear weapons to Russia in exchange for Russia to respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and existing borders, and never threaten or attack Ukraine.
Russia also never respected the Minsk agreements. As recently as early February 2022, Russian authorities said that the warnings of an upcoming full-scale Russian attack were American propaganda.
The attack still came as a shock to many. Illusions and wishful thinking about Russia were overtaken by reality.
Listen to the VG podcast Giæver and the gang:
The Russian self-understanding is that the right of the strongest applies. We fear that Ukraine is not the final destination for Russia, but an intermediate goal.
If we allow Russia to win on the battlefield, the negative consequences could be fatal. Ukraine could be severely amputated or have to capitulate on Russia’s terms.
Millions of Ukrainians will be forced to choose between living in a Russian dictatorship or fleeing. Europe risks getting a refugee tidal wave.
In that case, Russia will conclude that Western countries are unable to follow up their celebratory speeches with sufficient action. The result will be a more self-aware, more powerful and more dangerous Russia.
European democracies now face their greatest test in modern times. Our closest ally, the United States, is faltering. Europe must take significantly greater responsibility for security on its own continent.
The Baltics and the Nordics have shown that even small countries can play a central role.
The Nansen program was adopted last spring, and was an important cross-political initiative that put long-term support for Ukraine on the international agenda.
Now, one year later, the situation has changed. What might seem sufficient in 2023 was not enough. Russia has introduced a war economy, and is militarizing the entire society from primary school upwards.
Many countries have understood the seriousness and given more in support to Ukraine than Norway. Denmark has contributed more than twice as much, and for the period 2022 to 2028 they have set aside a total of well over NOK 130 billion, including what they give through the EU.
In comparison, Norway’s total aid until 2028 is around NOK 86 billion, while our GDP is significantly higher than Denmark’s.
Everyone must give according to their ability. None of the other donor countries has an Oil Fund of NOK 17,500 billion. Denmark has canceled a public holiday, while several countries will probably have to take out loans.
Conversely, Norway has so far had more than NOK 1,500 billion in additional income as a direct result of Putin’s gas war, of which we gave around 2 – 2 – percent to Ukraine.
It is difficult to see how this can be defended against European partners.
The will to fight is high in Ukraine. Experience from other wars nevertheless shows that if important support is not provided, fighting morale can be weakened.
Civilians are killed and infrastructure destroyed as a result of a lack of air defense. Ukrainian soldiers see fellow soldiers being killed because they have too little artillery ammunition.
The US decision on a new aid package created increased hope among Ukrainian soldiers and a hard-pressed civilian population, but Ukraine needs more to win the war.
Norway has made it clear that we will stand with Ukraine “as long as it takes”.
Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Fredriksen has emphasized that “We don’t need more words. We need decisions.”
Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide wrote in a column for DN that “Ukraine, not Russia, must win this war”. Such obligation.
Norway must again take a leadership role, and this time the goal must be clear: Give Ukraine the help they need, in line with our great ability to contribute.
We therefore ask the parties in the Storting to:
- Adopt a sharp increase in this year’s military aid to Ukraine and a drastic increase of the Nansen programme
- Ask the government to draw up a clear and realistic plan in cooperation with the donor countries so that Ukraine can win the peace
As our foreign minister concluded his DN chronicle: “It’s serious now. We are facing a moment of truth.”
